Now that Newt Gingrich has torn the mask off the ugly face of predatory corporate capitalism, it’s clear why defenders of the status quo such as AEI President Arthur C. Brooks were so eager to frame the debate after the Wall Street collapse in 2008 as an existential clash between “entrepreneurship” and “European-style statism” in which freedom itself was endangered by “expanding bureaucracies, a managed economy and large-scale income redistribution.”
Trickle-down, supply-side capitalism sold itself for decades to a gullible public as the comforting belief that a rising tide raises all boats. There was no need for class warfare, the rich assured us, since giving them more money meant more jobs for us. That was the implicit bargain when America agreed to cut the taxes of the rich in half.
Yet, the most important economic story of the last 30 years has been the growing income gap brought on by the radical transformation of the American economy from one that makes things to one that packages debt – and does so by enhancing the purchasing power of the masses at the expense of the predictable wage growth that supplies the foundation of a stable and broadly-based middle class society.
Denied the utilitarian argument that trickle-down capitalism works best for everyone, defenders of laissez faire have more recently turned to metaphysics and morality in order to build their firewall against what they can all see coming: a Second New Deal.
This helps explain the peculiar, desperate and almost frenzied explanations we’re hearing from plutocrats like Mitt Romney, who is being forced (thanks to Occupy Wall Street and now Newt Gingrich) to explain to us in greater detail just how he came by all those millions.
Romney’s reliance on the fall-back reactionary politics of “envy” and “class warfare” shows it’s a story he’s not keen on telling.
As Charles Blow wrote in the New York Times, Romney “lambasted” his Republican opponents Newt Gingrich and now Rick Perry for poking about into what Romney did as head of the private equity firm Bain Capital. Obviously targeted for a friendly Republican audience rather than a more skeptical general election one, Romney’s only comeback seemed to be a tactical one — that attacks against him and his performance as a latter-day Robber Baron were playing right into the hands of President Obama, who Romney charges with dividing America through the “bitter politics of envy.”
On NBC’s Today show Romney went further and said the entire debate about income inequality was out of bounds, even telling host Matt Lauer that questions about whether those palatial fortunes of the rich were fairly won should be entertained — if they are entertained at all — only “in quiet rooms” where opposition to out-sized fortunes could either be safely reasoned with or bought off.
Listen carefully because Romney’s is the authentic voice of the New American Aristocracy.
And that’s the problem, says Blow. With all due respect to Romney’s “quiet rooms,” says Blow, Americans have been quiet for far too long about a reward system that unfairly favors the few.
Notes Blow, a report released last week by the Pew Research Center found that about two-thirds of Americans perceive a “strong conflict” between rich and poor. That is up 19 percentage points from 2009. Another report cited by Blow showed that the United States ranks near the bottom among Western countries in the social mobility it provides its citizens.
“This has nothing to do with envy and everything to do with fairness,” says Blow.
Indeed, as all those Tea Party Republicans who’ve been brushing up on their early American history can no doubt tell us, it’s precisely the power of concentrated capital to re-create a British aristocracy wearing colonial blue that was at the heart of the bitter rivalries and antagonisms that separated Federalists from Anti-federalists, Hamiltonians from Jeffersonnians.
More recently, conservative apologists for Big Monied interests were quick to label Elizabeth Warren as a leftist radical who hates all that is decent and holy about American rugged “individualism,” while harboring the typical Harvard elitist’s contempt for the simple desire of average Americans to get ahead. Yet, even conservatives had to concede that when Warren spoke about the American Social Compact she was articulating the commonplace truth that “nobody in this country got rich on his own. Nobody.”
Nevertheless, the starkly elitist and anti-government writings of Ayn Rand are enjoying an Indian Summer among America’s plutocracy largely due to the flattering portrait Rand paints of them as society’s only “productive class” and upon whom the rest of us parasites must feed. These are the members of America’s superclass, says Rand, who have it within their power to bring civilization itself to a halt should they decide to “Go Galt” – go on strike – in order to resist the taxes imposed on them to support the lassitude of the greater idle masses.
Warren articulates an alternative view in which the resources of these wealthy job creators are nothing but worthless paper in the absence of the critical collective investments society makes in the human and economic infrastructure necessary to build the kind of economy where all that paper can be profitably put to use.
You can see now why Warrren’s alternative narrative about the value of investments in roads, research and schools made by a government Rand’s superclass is so intent on dismantling would be seen as destabilizing to the self-serving mythology plutocrats have constructed for themselves that unregulated private capital is solely responsible for wealth creation and the jobs that go with it. And this is why conservatives were so determined that Elizabeth Warren and her subversive ideas be knocked down, and now — and even by social conservatives who believe birth control is immoral and should be illegal who nevertheless lined up to attack Warren on her imagined assaults on “individualism” and “personal autonomy.”
Recently, I wrote about the arbitrage Republicans have used to great effect in recent decades to profit from the gap that exists between the way the public thinks about how the economy works and how it really does. The public thinks the same old rules still apply about people being rewarded for the risks they take and the contributions they make within a competitive “free market,” where taxing away the fruits of those labors in order to give rewards to others less prudent or hard-working is thought to be both unfair and unjust.
That in a nutshell is the basic concept called The American Work Ethic to which most American voters subscribe.
But there is a huge gap between the facts and fictions of our economic existence that Blow helps to illuminate when he writes about an older Contract with America that the wealthy in this country have now broken.
The old “social symbiosis,” says Blow, was one where Americans working together “create a society in which smart, hard-working people can be safe and prosper, and the rich in turn reinvest a fair share of that prosperity back into society for posterity.”
It’s an arrangement in which everyone benefits, says Blow. “But somewhere along the way this got lost. Greed got good. The rich wanted all of the societal benefits and none of the societal responsibilities. They got addicted to seeing profits go up and taxes go down, by any means necessary, no matter the damage to the individual or the collective. Those Maseratis weren’t going to pay for themselves. And the resulting income inequality helped to stall economic mobility.”
The values of “freedom,” “individualism,” “entrepreneurship” – and the corresponding attacks against “envy” and “class warfare” – which the Republican Party and its wealthy benefactors are feverishly putting forward to protect their privileges and vested interests, are predicated on public belief in what Blow calls the “idea of equal opportunity” that is central to this country’s “optimistic ethos.”
But income inequality and “corporate greed,” he says, “are making a lie of that most basic American truism. The rich and their handmaidens on the political right have consolidated America’s wealth on the ever-narrowing peak of a steep hill and greased the slope. And they want to cast everyone at the bottom as lazy or jealous, without acknowledging the accident of birth and collusion of policies that helped grant them their perch.”
A Republican Party whose agenda is now so wholly At One with America’s One Percent thinks nothing of passing laws to dismantle unions in order to prevent average workers from gaining economic leverage by means of pooling the one resource they possess – their labor. Yet, at the same time, Republicans define as “persons” those legally incorporated enterprises that are nothing more than creatures of the state and of those laws which allow the wealthy to pool that resource which they have in such abundance – their capital.
And once this basic inequity receives the attention it deserves, that low roar you hear gaining volume in the distance will be the sound of Americans waking up to fact that for far too long the plutocrats in this country have been using Adam Smith’s famous “Invisible Hand” to pick their pockets.
By: Ted Frier, Open Salon, January 15, 2012
January 16, 2012
Posted by raemd95 |
Class Warfare, Economy | Economic inequality, Income Gap, Middle Class, Mitt Romney, Newt Gingrich, Politics, Republicans, Teaparty |
Leave a comment
Mitt Romney likes to say that this election is a battle for “the soul of America.” He’s right — just not in the way that he thinks.
Romney asserts that President Obama wants to “fundamentally transform America,” turning the country “into a European-style entitlement society.” In fact, Romney and his Republican presidential rivals have a far more radical transformation in mind. They envision a dramatically shrunken federal government and a dangerously unraveled social safety net.
Theirs is not the self-styled compassionate conservatism of a George W. Bush. “It is compassionate to actively help our fellow citizens in need,” Bush said in 2002. “It is conservative to insist on responsibility and results.”
A decade and a Tea Party later, active help — at least active help from the federal government — is out of Republican fashion. Of course Republicans have traditionally favored state over federal involvement, but the degree of proposed retrenchment during the current campaign is remarkable — and troubling.
Consider Romney’s answer to a question at the last debate about the safety net in an age of austerity:
“Well, what we don’t need is to have a federal government saying we’re going to solve all the problems of poverty across the entire country, because what it means to be poor in Massachusetts is different than Montana and Mississippi and other places in the country,” Romney said.
“And that’s why these programs, all these federal programs that are bundled to help people and make sure we have a safety net, need to be brought together and sent back to the states. And let states that are closest to the needs of their own people craft the programs that are able to deal with the needs of those folks.”
Romney went on to tick off specific programs: food stamps, housing vouchers, Medicaid, emergency heating assistance.
“What unfortunately happens is, with all the multiplicity of federal programs, you have massive overhead with government bureaucrats in Washington administering all these programs. Very little of the money that’s actually needed by those that really need help, those that can’t care for themselves, actually reaches them,” Romney added.
Nice talking point, if it were true. As the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities has demonstrated, the major programs for the poor are extraordinarily efficient, even taking into account state as well as federal administrative costs. In 2010, 96.2 percent of Medicaid spending went for care; 94.6 percent of food stamp spending went for food; and 90.9 percent of housing program dollars went to rental assistance for low-income tenants.
Even for the man who ran Bain Capital, that shouldn’t seem like massive overhead.
The more important point is the degree to which Romney & Co.’s back-to-the-states approach would shred protections for the most vulnerable Americans. Romney’s observation about the differences between being poor in Massachusetts and Mississippi underscores the importance of a national safety net. Mississippi has more needs, and less money, than does Massachusetts.
Indeed, it was Richard Nixon who, reacting to reports about pockets of deep poverty and hunger in a wealthy nation, instituted a guaranteed federal minimum income for the elderly and disabled (Supplemental Security Income, or SSI) and set national eligibility levels for food stamps.
Imagine what would have happened during the recession if, say, food stamps — now known as SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program) — were a fixed block grant to states, as Romney envisions. Needs rose dramatically, but states, already strapped for cash, would not have been able to meet them.
Romney, the former Massachusetts governor, understands the importance of the federal role — or once did. His observations about the need to return control to states came in the context of a discussion about the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP).
Yet Gov. Romney, in 2003, called on Congress to “support the highest possible funding,” adding, “We need to get the funds to those who need help the most to stay safe and warm this winter.”
Indeed, one of Romney’s leading supporters in New Hampshire, Republican Sen. Kelly Ayotte, is lobbying for more LIHEAP money — funding, by the way, that the president proposed cutting, and that already comes in the form of a block grant to states that decide how to use it.
“It’s an important safety net,” Ayotte told Newsweek. “I’m not against having a safety net for those who are most in need.”
Is Romney? Are his rivals? Because the impact of their plans would be to shred the safety net. Making sure that doesn’t happen is the real battle for America’s soul.
By: Ruth Marcus, Opinion Writer, The Washington Post, January 12, 2012
January 15, 2012
Posted by raemd95 |
Election 2012 | Kelly Ayotte, Mitt Romney, Politics, Poverty, Republicans, SNAP, Social Safety Nets, Teaparty |
Leave a comment
In the British original of The Office the main protagonist, David Brent (US reincarnation: Michael Scott), wistfully recalls a tender moment during his favorite war film, The Dam Busters, involving the hero pilot, Wing Commander Guy Gibson. “Before he goes into battle, he’s playin’ with his dog,” says Brent.
“Nigger,” says his sidekick, Gareth (Dwight in the States), recalling with glee the name of the dog.
Brent flinches, eager to mitigate the slur. “Yeah!… it was the ’40s,” he says, “before racism was bad.”
The problem with the illusion of a postracial society is that at almost any moment the systemic nature of racism, its legacy, methods and impulses, might have to be rediscovered and restated as though for the first time. If the problem has gone away, those who point it out or claim to experience it are, by definition, living in the past. Those who witness it in action must be imagining things. Those who practice it are either misunderstood or maligned.
So it has been these past few weeks with Republicans on the stump, campaigning as though in a time “before racism was bad,” when Rick Perry’s family had a hunting lodge known as Niggerhead and white people could just run their mouth without consequences. In Sioux City, Iowa, Rick Santorum was asked a question about foreign influence on the economy. As he meandered incoherently through his answer, he came out with this gem:
“I don’t want to make black people’s lives better by giving them somebody else’s money; I want to give them the opportunity to go out and earn the money.”
“Right,” said one audience member, as another woman nodded.
“And provide for themselves and their families,” Santorum added, to applause. “The best way to do that is to get the manufacturing sector of the economy rolling again.”
The black population of Sioux City is 2.9 percent. In Woodbury County, in which Sioux City sits, 13 percent of the people are on food stamps, an increase of 26 percent since 2007, with nine times as many whites as blacks using them.
Just a few days later, in Plymouth, New Hampshire, Newt Gingrich told a crowd, “I will go to the NAACP convention and explain to the African-American community why they should demand paychecks…[instead of] food stamps.” African-Americans make up 0.8 percent of Plymouth’s population. Food stamp use in Grafton County is 6 percent—a 48 percent increase since 2007.
And then there’s Ron Paul, who would like to repeal civil rights legislation and who once claimed that “order was only restored in LA [after the Rodney King riots] when it came time for the blacks to pick up their welfare checks.” Or at least newsletters bearing his name did—newsletters he paid for and once defended. Paul now claims that they had nothing to do with him.
The point here is not to accuse the GOP hopefuls of racism. That would be too predictable and has been done with great effect elsewhere, prompting denials that are beyond pathetic. Ron Paul, it turns out, has been passing as Malcolm X. “I’m the only one up here and the only one [including] in the Democratic Party that understands true racism in this country is in the judicial system,” he said. Santorum’s defense, on the other hand, is that he temporarily lost the ability to speak English. The best he could come up with, after several attempts, was that he really said “blah” people.
Neither is the point to show how Republicans leverage racial anxiety for electoral effect. According to the Agriculture Department, more whites use food stamps than blacks and Latinos combined. By coloring poverty and food insecurity black, even in areas where few black people exist, Republicans hope to spin food stamps as a racial entitlement program, diverting attention from their attempts to balance the budget on the stomachs of the poor. Republicans want to slash spending on food stamps by around 20 percent and in June voted to cut the WIC (Women, Infants and Children) program, which provides assistance to poor pregnant women, mothers and children, by 10 percent. All of this is important. But efforts to encourage whites to identify with their race rather than their class, as though the two could be separated and then ranked, is an age-old ploy perfected first by Southern Democrats.
No, what feels new here is the collapse of the broad consensus about racial discourse in electoral politics since the ’60s. The Nixon Strategy dictated that racism would continue to be an integral part of electoral campaigns, but those who used it would work in code. Reagan visited Philadelphia, Mississippi, where three civil rights workers were murdered, to talk about “states’ rights” and went on to trash “welfare queens”; George W. Bush spoke at Bob Jones University; his dad had “Willie” Horton (the architect of that ad is now on Team Romney). The point was to frame a politics that scapegoated blacks in a manner that racists would recognize but that would also provide plausible deniability against accusations of racism.
Today it seems as though Republicans who might be put off by racist rhetoric are in short supply, as though the presence of a black president has left them blind to their own sophism. No candidate’s polling numbers nose-dived after his remarks; there was precious little in the way of mainstream media frenzy—as recently as 2006, George Allen’s “Macaca moment” cost him his Senate seat. There is no parsing these statements. They are what they are. We are back to the days when conservatives feel comfortable calling a spade a spade. Some commentators have described it as a dog whistle: a call set to a tone that rallies some without disturbing others—a special frequency for the inducted. But this is no dog whistle. This is Wing Commander Gibson taking his mutt for a walk and calling him loudly and fondly by name.
By: Gary Younge, The Nation, January 10, 2012
January 15, 2012
Posted by raemd95 |
GOP Presidential Candidates, Racism | Civil Rights, GOP, Newt Gingrich, Politics, Republicans, Rick Perry, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul |
Leave a comment
While Rick Perry campaigned in South Carolina Thursday, criticizing Mitt Romney’s tenure at Bain while bragging about his own pro-business record, another controversial conservative governor was hanging out in Texas: Scott Walker. The Wisconsin governor, who sparked a firestorm last spring with his effort to eliminate collective-bargaining rights for state employees, keynoted a lunch at the Texas Public Policy Foundation’s annual legislative orientation, held at the Hilton Hotel. Outside, a large crowd protested with signs supporting the effort to recall the polarizing Wisconsin chief executive.
The Texas Public Policy Foundation (TPPF)—a think tank with a clear and aggressive policy agenda of slashing government until it’s all but nonexistent—is a dominant player in Texas conservative politics. While the Texas Legislature won’t meet until next year, TPPF’s annual policy orientation is nonetheless a gathering of many big names in Texas politics, and its panels often help set the conservative agenda. Not surprisingly, the group ferociously defends Perry’s record in Texas, arguing that the Texas model is the one every state might emulate. Walker was there to tell them just how much he agreed. But not before a Russian-doll-like series of introductions set the stage for him.
“If America is where the world turns for liberty, Texas is where America turns,” began Brooke Rollins, the president and CEO of TPPF. Then came Wendy Gramm, the wife of former Senator Phil Gramm, Ronald Reagan’s favorite economist, and a woman now perhaps best known for sitting on Enron’s board during its scandal. She currently chairs TPPF’s board of directors. She was introducing Steve Moore, the former head of the Club for Growth.
In case Walker’s appearance didn’t already have enough gravitas, Moore decided to offer some scale. He explained that Walker is “a hero of our movement” for having taken on “the evil empire of the public employees’ unions.” “I have very rarely seen such a profile in courage,” Moore told the crowd.
When Walker finally walked on stage, the room of conservative policymakers gave him a standing ovation just for showing up. You might say it was a friendly crowd.
The thing is, though, that none of Walker’s actions sound particularly revolutionary in Texas. The Wisconsin governor outlined his policy approach—tort reform, lowering taxes, and dismantling union power—to a crowd that lives in a right-to-work state with low taxes and few regulations. Walker hardly needed to explain why raising taxes wasn’t an option. For most Texas Republicans, to do so would be heretical. While Wisconsin protests against Walker were bringing that state to a standstill last year, Perry signed a budget slashing state services, including a more-than 10 percent cut in education funding, and it’s still unclear whether there will be any political ramifications. In a state where Republicans have won every statewide race for over a decade, the thing Texas conservatives are sometimes missing is an enemy.
Walker, on the other hand, isn’t lacking for foes. Walker’s war stories about dealing with protesters and fighting against the Wisconsin teachers’ unions captivated his audience. “Collective bargaining is not a right,” he told the cheering crowd. “Collective bargaining is an expensive entitlement, and it’s time we stood up and put the power back in the hands of the taxpayers!”
“The reason I became the number-one target of 2012 public employees’ union is because I took away their money,” he went on, later noting that after his policies took effect, one union fired 42 percent of its staff. The crowd chortled at that. Walker noted that he would almost undoubtedly face a recall election this summer and that the opposition had more intensity and enthusiasm than the taxpayers he’d been protecting.
When Rollins came back on stage to thank the governor, she seemed enchanted. Walker’s story, she said, reminded her of Ronald Reagan’s speech on the 40th anniversary of D-Day. She read selections from Reagan’s speech that detailed the courage of Marines, and explained that “the courage and the incredible heart that it takes to do the right thing is something that is missing from the public square.”
She then noted that she was “not comparing the AFL-CIO to Germans.”
That didn’t stop the crowd from giving Walker his second standing ovation.
January 15, 2012
Posted by raemd95 |
Collective Bargaining, Public Employees, Unions | Conservatives, GOP, Politics, Scott Walker, Texas, Texas Public Policy Foundation, Wisconsin |
Leave a comment
Last week, when we first looked at the former Massachusetts governor’s claim that “we helped create over 100,000 new jobs,” his campaign provided a list that included the growth in jobs from three companies that it said Romney helped to start or grow while at Bain Capital: Staples (a gain of 89,000 jobs), The Sports Authority (15,000 jobs), and Domino’s (7,900 jobs).
As we noted, “This tally obviously does not include job losses from other companies with which Bain Capital was involved — and are based on current employment figures, not the period when Romney worked at Bain.”
Glenn Kessler live chatted with readers on this topic. Read the chat transcript now.
In Saturday’s ABC News-Yahoo debate, Romney expanded on the list: “There’s a steel company called Steel Dynamics in Indiana, thousands of jobs there; Bright Horizons Children’s Centers, about 15,000 jobs there; Sports Authority, about 15,000 jobs there, Staples alone, 90,000 employed. That’s a business that we helped start from the ground up.”
Last week, when we looked at this 100,000 figure, we evaluated it along with Romney’s claims about President Obama’s job creation figures, which overall earned One Pinocchio. Earlier, we had ruled that it was all but impossible to prove or disprove Romney’s claims on job creation. But in light of Romney’s comments during the debate and some additional research, we have come to a new assessment.
The Facts
By all accounts, Romney was a highly successful venture capitalist. While running Bain Capital, he helped pick some real winners, earning his investors substantial returns. High finance is a difficult subject to convey in a sound bite, so Romney evidently has chosen to focus on job creation.
This is a mistake, because it overstates the purposes of Bain’s investments and has now led Romney into a factually challenging cul-de-sac.
Romney never could have raised money from investors if the prospectus seeking $1-million investments from the super wealthy had said it would focus on creating jobs. Instead, it said: “The objective of the fund is to achieve an annual rate of return on invested capital in excess of the returns generated by conventional investments in the public equity market and the private equity market.”
Indeed, the prospectus never mentions “jobs,” “job,” or “employees.”
Second, it has become increasingly hard to understand how Romney’s personal involvement played a role in creating these jobs, especially years later. He clearly is adding up all the jobs now at the companies that are thriving, arguing these numbers far outweigh the job losses at companies that failed. But as the Wall Street Journal reported Monday, the failure rate one can attribute to Bain Capital changes significantly if one counts five years from an investment or eight years from an investment.
Bain, in fact, rejected the Journal’s analysis, saying it “uses a fundamentally flawed methodology that unfairly assigns responsibility to us for many events that occurred in companies when we did not own or control them, and disregards dozens of successful venture capital investments.”
In other words, Bain appears to be rejecting a central premise of Romney’s calculation — that years after the investment ended, one can attribute either good news or bad news about the company to Bain’s involvement.
Romney is generally careful to use phrases such as “helped create.” He also acknowledged Saturday that we “were investors to help get them going.” But even that overstates the case.
Bain may have provided management expertise or money when others would not, but a company such as Staples — one of the biggest contributors to Romney’s job figures — was largely the brainchild of entrepreneur Tom Stemberg. Stemberg presumably should get most of the credit for inventing a killer new business category. (Left unsaid, of course, is all the jobs that might have been lost at small stationery stores unable to compete with the low prices of Staples, Office Depot and so forth.)
Moreover, should Romney even get any credit for jobs at Domino’s, as his campaign claims? The deal in which Bain Capital bought Domino’s closed on Dec. 21, 1998, according to a Domino’s news release that referred to “Milt Romney.” Less than two months later Romney had left Bain to run the Salt Lake Olympics, meaning he had barely any role in running the company once it became part of the Bain investment portfolio.
When Romney made a run for the governorship, the Boston Globe reported in 2002 that he had not been involved in the details of many deals toward the end of his Bain experience: “These days, Romney can say he hasn’t inked a deal in many years. Even during the end of his tenure at Bain, from 1994 to 1999, he played the role of CEO and rainmaker rather than delving into the details of buyouts.”
Interestingly, when Romney ran for the Senate in 1994, his campaign only claimed he had created 10,000 jobs. In one ad, a narrator said: “Mitt Romney has spent his life building more than 20 businesses and helping to create more than 10,000 jobs. So when it comes to creating jobs, he’s not just talk. He’s done it.”
Now, apparently, those 10,000 jobs have increased tenfold, apparently in part because of Bain investments in which Romney had at best a tangential role.
In the 2008 presidential campaign, as far as we can tell, Romney never highlighted any number for jobs created, having learned a lesson from how ruthlessly he was attacked by Sen. Edward Kennedy in that Senate race for jobs lost through Bain investments.
We asked the Romney campaign for a response, but did not get one.
The Pinocchio Test
Romney certainly has a good story to tell about knowing how to manage a business, spotting opportunities and understanding high finance. But if he is to continue to make claims about job creation, the Romney campaign needs to provide a real accounting of how many jobs were gained or lost through Bain Capital investments while the firm managed these companies — and while Romney was chief executive. Any jobs counted after either of those data points simply do not pass the laugh test.
By: Glenn Kessler, The Washington Post, January 10, 2012
January 15, 2012
Posted by raemd95 |
Election 2012 | Bain Capital, Corporations, Jobs, Mitt Romney, Politics, Vulture Capitalism, Workers |
Leave a comment
mykeystrokes.com 