After Supporting Health Care Mandate In 1994, Santorum Now Says He Never Supported Mandates
Former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum (R) stepped up his criticism of GOP presidential primary front-runner Mitt Romney on CBS’ Face The Nation this morning, slamming Romney for providing “the basis” for the Affordable Care Act when he signed a comprehensive health reform law while he was governor of Massachusetts.
In addition to providing a model for national health care reform, RomneyCare is to blame for raising taxes, rising health care costs, and, worst of all, Santorum said, an individual mandate requiring people to buy health insurance. That, Santorum said, represented a government intrusion into health care that he never has and never could support:
SANTORUM: Gov. Romney’s plan, as much as he’d like to say it’s not, was the basis of Obamacare. He was for an individual mandate, he was for government top-down control of the health care system in Massachusetts. And it’s led to the highest cost health care in the nation in Massachusetts, it’s led to higher taxes. … It is an absolute disaster. […]
He would not have the clear record that I have…of being for government out of the health care business, being for a plan that is bottom-up, private sector health care reform. Unlike other folks in this race, I’ve had a consistent record over that time of not being for individual mandates. … He has been for individual mandates, I have not.
Watch it:
As Igor Volsky reported last week, however, Santorum supported an individual health insurance mandate during his 1994 Senate campaign, shortly after a host of Senate Republicans had offered the mandate as an alternative to President Clinton’s health reform plan.
And aside from the fact that RomneyCare did lay the groundwork for the Affordable Care Act — Romney repeatedly touted his plan as a national model before the ACA passed — Santorum’s criticisms are largely off-base. Massachusetts’ health costs are rising, but at rates comparable to the national average, and the cost of some premiums has fallen dramatically. Meanwhile, the state has the lowest uninsured rate in the nation, with just 4.7 percent of Bay Staters lacking health insurance.
By: Travis Waldron, Think Progress, January 15, 2012
Mitt Romney’s New Problem: A Rising Sun
Mitt Romney was on the campaign trail in South Carolina yesterday, and brought up the issue he expects to ride into the White House: the U.S. economy. Unfortunately for the former governor, the message isn’t quite the same as it was a few months ago.
In his remarks [Friday], Romney also acknowledged the economy was getting better — something he has said before….
“And [President Obama]’s going to say the economy is getting better,” Romney said. “Thank heavens it’s getting better. It’s getting better not because of him, it’s in spite of him and what he’s done.”
For those keeping track, Romney said twice in three sentences that he believes the economy is “getting better.”
I’ve noticed over the last week, this keeps coming up. Shortly before the New Hampshire primary, Romney said he’s “glad” the economy is improving, but quickly added that President Obama “doesn’t deserve” credit. In an interview with Bloomberg Television, Romney also said the economy is recovering, but said “this president has not helped it.”
And in a debate for the Republican presidential candidates last weekend, Romney made his case this way:
“The president is going to try to take responsibility for things getting better. It’s like the rooster trying to take responsibility for the sun rising. He didn’t do it.”
I believe campaign professionals call this a “losing argument.”
Look, I don’t know whether the recovery will strengthen in 2012. The recent evidence has been mixed; experts’ projections vary widely; and the global threats to the economy remain real and hard to predict. There is, however, room for some optimism and Romney himself believes, in his words, economic conditions are “getting better.”
But as a campaign matter, if Romney is right about a strengthening recovery, he has to realize he’s going to lose. For the entirety of 2011, the former governor had a single message he repeated ad nauseum: Obama made a bad economy worse. It wasn’t true, but so long as the recovery was largely invisible, it was a message that could fool a lot of the people a lot of the time.
Two weeks into 2012, Romney has a new message: don’t give Obama credit for making the economy better. In effect, the Republican is arguing, “Sure, Obama inherited a deep recession. And sure, he took a bunch of steps to turn the economy around. And sure, we’re now seeing more jobs being created and more economic growth. But vote against him anyway.”
This isn’t just a tough sell; it’s an impossible one.
Look again at what Romney said in last weekend’s debate: “The president is going to try to take responsibility for things getting better. It’s like the rooster trying to take responsibility for the sun rising.”
By Romney’s own reasoning, the sun is rising and it’s morning in America. As Jon Chait put it, “This seems like a shockingly weak line — if you concede that it’s morning, you’ve lost the argument.”
By: Steve Benen, Contributing Writer, Washington Monthly, Political Animal, January 14, 012
“The Real Romney”: Mitt Misled Voters On His Mom’s Abortion Stance
The new biography “The Real Romney” provides evidence that Mitt Romney has repeatedly mischaracterized his mother’s position on abortion rights. A previously unreported Lenore Romney quote in the book sheds light on Mitt Romney’s convoluted and changing position on the issue, as well as his family’s.
Both Steve Kornacki and I have delved deep into the Romney’s evolution on the issue, including the story of a young relative of Romney who died during an illegal abortion, which Romney once cited as a reason for his being pro-choice. His flip-flop on abortion rights continues to be a political problem, with Newt Gingrich currently running ads attacking Romney for having been a “pro-abortion” governor of Massachusetts.
Before we get to the previously unreported quote from Romney’s mother, here’s the context. Back when Romney was running for Senate as a pro-choice challenger to Ted Kennedy in 1994, he invoked his mother’s position on the issue in a debate.
“I believe that abortion should be safe and legal in this country; I have since the time that my mom took that position when she ran in 1970 as a U.S. Senate candidate,” Romney said, adding:
“I have my own beliefs, and those beliefs are very dear to me. One of them is that I do not impose my beliefs on other people. Many, many years ago, I had a dear, close family relative that was very close to me who passed away from an illegal abortion. It is since that time that my mother and my family have been committed to the belief that we can believe as we want, but we will not force our beliefs on others on that matter. And you will not see me wavering on that.” (Emphasis added.)
Romney again invoked his mother’s “bold and courageous” position in a 2002 Massachusetts gubernatorial debate in which he said he was strongly in favor of preserving a woman’s right to choose.
“My position has been the same throughout my political career, and it goes back to the days of 1970,” he said. “There was a woman who was running for political office, U.S. Senate. She took a very bold and courageous stand in 1970, and that was in a conservative state. That was that a woman should have the right to make her own choice as to whether or not to have an abortion. Her name was Lenore Romney, she was my mom. Even though she lost, she established a record of courage in that regard.”
Romney’s claims about his mother later came under scrutiny when a Boston Globe columnist in 2005 interviewed people who were in the orbit of Lenore Romney’s 1970 Michigan Senate bid who had no memory of her being pro-choice. In response, Mitt Romney’s office dug up a campaign document from his mother’s campaign which stated:
“I support and recognize the need for more liberal abortion rights while reaffirming the legal and medical measures needed to protect the unborn and pregnant woman [sic].”
This was a few years before Roe v. Wade was decided, so that may well have been a progressive stance for the time. But, with its reference to protecting “the unborn,” it hardly seemed like a clear statement of support for legal abortion.
This is where the previously unreported Lenore Romney quote comes in. “The Real Romney” authors Michael Kranish and Scott Helman found a May 1970 story from a Owosso, Michigan, newspaper in which Lenore Romney says of the abortion issue:
“I think we need to reevaluate this, but do not feel it is simple as having an appendectomy. … I’m so tired of hearing the argument that a woman should have the final word on what happens to her own body. This is a life.”
If anything that statement — with its emphasis on women not having the final word — would most accurately be characterized as anti-choice. The irony is that Mitt Romney is now arguably closer to his mother’s actual 1970 position than he was when he ran as a pro-choice Senate candidate in 1994.
By: Justine Elliott, Salon, January 12, 2012
MItt Romney, Money And “Quiet Rooms”: Mr. 1 Percent Is Clueless About Inequality
The GOP primary keeps getting funnier. Just as Newt Gingrich was telling a South Carolina Romney supporter “I agree with you” that attacking Mitt Romney’s Bain Capital career could help Democrats on Wednesday, his friendly Super PAC “Winning the Future” released the long version of its hit piece “When Mitt Romney Came to Town.” I thought MoveOn did a bang-up job last week with an ad profiling a pair of older Kansas City steelworkers left jobless thanks to Bain; this ad is so slashing MoveOn might have thought twice about releasing it. If you haven’t seen it, it’s here. Clearly, Gingrich is trying to have it both ways: Mollifying wealthy GOP donors horrified by his attacks on capitalism while continuing to bloody Romney. We’ll see how well it works.
Romney continues to insist Democrats, as well as some of his GOP rivals, are practicing “the politics of envy,” and on NBC Wednesday made what might be his dumbest remark yet. Asked whether there was ever a fair way to discuss income inequality, the GOP front-runner replied:
I think it’s fine to talk about those things in quiet rooms and discussions about tax policy and the like. But the president has made it part of his campaign rally. Everywhere he goes we hear him talking about millionaires and billionaires and executives and Wall Street. It’s a very envy-oriented, attack-oriented approach and I think it will fail.
Maybe Mitt wants to confine talk of inequality to “quiet rooms” because he’s seen the Pew Research Center data showing that Americans think conflict is growing between rich and poor. Two-thirds of Americans see that conflict, up 50 percent since 2009. While African-Americans are still more likely than whites to see that conflict, the percentage of whites who agree tripled. Credit Occupy Wall Street for hiking consciousness about the gap between rich and poor, but credit the GOP for creating the conditions that allowed income inequality to soar, and the top 1 percent to gobble up 40 percent of the nation’s wealth.
A sly Sarah Palin called for Romney to release his tax returns on Sean Hannity’s show last night, to Hannity’s seeming distress. Palin defended Rick Perry’s “vulture capitalism” attack even as Hannity kept trying to get her to declare it unfair. She’s gone rogue again! We can only dream that Romney releases his tax returns. I think he’s less scared about showing his staggering wealth than revealing the scandalously low tax rate he pays, given how much of his income comes from investment and is thus subject to lower capital gain taxes. (I’m sure we’d also learn a lot from the tricks Romney’s accountants use to keep his effective tax rate even lower.)
Palin also demanded that Romney substantiate his claims to have created 100,000 jobs while at Bain, calling it a “come to Jesus” moment. What is she up to? Her snow-machine-driving husband Todd endorsed Newt Gingrich last week, to great derision, but it did raise questions about what the nominally neutral ex-V.P. nominee is thinking. She’s not thinking good thoughts about Mitt Romney, that’s for sure.
Meanwhile, the man who foisted Palin on the world, John McCain, today accused Romney’s anti-Bain attackers as supporting “communism.” But BuzzFeed recalls that in 2008, McCain himself attacked Romney’s Bain days. “He presided over the acquisition of companies that laid off thousands of workers,” McCain complained back then, and campaign manager Rick Davis told the National Journal:
“He learned politics and economics from being a venture capitalist, where you go and buy companies, you strip away the jobs, and you resell them. And if that’s what his experience has been to be able to lead our economy, I’d really raise questions.”
By: Joan Walsh, Editor at Large, January, 12, 2012
Adam Smith’s “Invisible Hand” Picking Our Pockets
Now that Newt Gingrich has torn the mask off the ugly face of predatory corporate capitalism, it’s clear why defenders of the status quo such as AEI President Arthur C. Brooks were so eager to frame the debate after the Wall Street collapse in 2008 as an existential clash between “entrepreneurship” and “European-style statism” in which freedom itself was endangered by “expanding bureaucracies, a managed economy and large-scale income redistribution.”
Trickle-down, supply-side capitalism sold itself for decades to a gullible public as the comforting belief that a rising tide raises all boats. There was no need for class warfare, the rich assured us, since giving them more money meant more jobs for us. That was the implicit bargain when America agreed to cut the taxes of the rich in half.
Yet, the most important economic story of the last 30 years has been the growing income gap brought on by the radical transformation of the American economy from one that makes things to one that packages debt – and does so by enhancing the purchasing power of the masses at the expense of the predictable wage growth that supplies the foundation of a stable and broadly-based middle class society.
Denied the utilitarian argument that trickle-down capitalism works best for everyone, defenders of laissez faire have more recently turned to metaphysics and morality in order to build their firewall against what they can all see coming: a Second New Deal.
This helps explain the peculiar, desperate and almost frenzied explanations we’re hearing from plutocrats like Mitt Romney, who is being forced (thanks to Occupy Wall Street and now Newt Gingrich) to explain to us in greater detail just how he came by all those millions.
Romney’s reliance on the fall-back reactionary politics of “envy” and “class warfare” shows it’s a story he’s not keen on telling.
As Charles Blow wrote in the New York Times, Romney “lambasted” his Republican opponents Newt Gingrich and now Rick Perry for poking about into what Romney did as head of the private equity firm Bain Capital. Obviously targeted for a friendly Republican audience rather than a more skeptical general election one, Romney’s only comeback seemed to be a tactical one — that attacks against him and his performance as a latter-day Robber Baron were playing right into the hands of President Obama, who Romney charges with dividing America through the “bitter politics of envy.”
On NBC’s Today show Romney went further and said the entire debate about income inequality was out of bounds, even telling host Matt Lauer that questions about whether those palatial fortunes of the rich were fairly won should be entertained — if they are entertained at all — only “in quiet rooms” where opposition to out-sized fortunes could either be safely reasoned with or bought off.
Listen carefully because Romney’s is the authentic voice of the New American Aristocracy.
And that’s the problem, says Blow. With all due respect to Romney’s “quiet rooms,” says Blow, Americans have been quiet for far too long about a reward system that unfairly favors the few.
Notes Blow, a report released last week by the Pew Research Center found that about two-thirds of Americans perceive a “strong conflict” between rich and poor. That is up 19 percentage points from 2009. Another report cited by Blow showed that the United States ranks near the bottom among Western countries in the social mobility it provides its citizens.
“This has nothing to do with envy and everything to do with fairness,” says Blow.
Indeed, as all those Tea Party Republicans who’ve been brushing up on their early American history can no doubt tell us, it’s precisely the power of concentrated capital to re-create a British aristocracy wearing colonial blue that was at the heart of the bitter rivalries and antagonisms that separated Federalists from Anti-federalists, Hamiltonians from Jeffersonnians.
More recently, conservative apologists for Big Monied interests were quick to label Elizabeth Warren as a leftist radical who hates all that is decent and holy about American rugged “individualism,” while harboring the typical Harvard elitist’s contempt for the simple desire of average Americans to get ahead. Yet, even conservatives had to concede that when Warren spoke about the American Social Compact she was articulating the commonplace truth that “nobody in this country got rich on his own. Nobody.”
Nevertheless, the starkly elitist and anti-government writings of Ayn Rand are enjoying an Indian Summer among America’s plutocracy largely due to the flattering portrait Rand paints of them as society’s only “productive class” and upon whom the rest of us parasites must feed. These are the members of America’s superclass, says Rand, who have it within their power to bring civilization itself to a halt should they decide to “Go Galt” – go on strike – in order to resist the taxes imposed on them to support the lassitude of the greater idle masses.
Warren articulates an alternative view in which the resources of these wealthy job creators are nothing but worthless paper in the absence of the critical collective investments society makes in the human and economic infrastructure necessary to build the kind of economy where all that paper can be profitably put to use.
You can see now why Warrren’s alternative narrative about the value of investments in roads, research and schools made by a government Rand’s superclass is so intent on dismantling would be seen as destabilizing to the self-serving mythology plutocrats have constructed for themselves that unregulated private capital is solely responsible for wealth creation and the jobs that go with it. And this is why conservatives were so determined that Elizabeth Warren and her subversive ideas be knocked down, and now — and even by social conservatives who believe birth control is immoral and should be illegal who nevertheless lined up to attack Warren on her imagined assaults on “individualism” and “personal autonomy.”
Recently, I wrote about the arbitrage Republicans have used to great effect in recent decades to profit from the gap that exists between the way the public thinks about how the economy works and how it really does. The public thinks the same old rules still apply about people being rewarded for the risks they take and the contributions they make within a competitive “free market,” where taxing away the fruits of those labors in order to give rewards to others less prudent or hard-working is thought to be both unfair and unjust.
That in a nutshell is the basic concept called The American Work Ethic to which most American voters subscribe.
But there is a huge gap between the facts and fictions of our economic existence that Blow helps to illuminate when he writes about an older Contract with America that the wealthy in this country have now broken.
The old “social symbiosis,” says Blow, was one where Americans working together “create a society in which smart, hard-working people can be safe and prosper, and the rich in turn reinvest a fair share of that prosperity back into society for posterity.”
It’s an arrangement in which everyone benefits, says Blow. “But somewhere along the way this got lost. Greed got good. The rich wanted all of the societal benefits and none of the societal responsibilities. They got addicted to seeing profits go up and taxes go down, by any means necessary, no matter the damage to the individual or the collective. Those Maseratis weren’t going to pay for themselves. And the resulting income inequality helped to stall economic mobility.”
The values of “freedom,” “individualism,” “entrepreneurship” – and the corresponding attacks against “envy” and “class warfare” – which the Republican Party and its wealthy benefactors are feverishly putting forward to protect their privileges and vested interests, are predicated on public belief in what Blow calls the “idea of equal opportunity” that is central to this country’s “optimistic ethos.”
But income inequality and “corporate greed,” he says, “are making a lie of that most basic American truism. The rich and their handmaidens on the political right have consolidated America’s wealth on the ever-narrowing peak of a steep hill and greased the slope. And they want to cast everyone at the bottom as lazy or jealous, without acknowledging the accident of birth and collusion of policies that helped grant them their perch.”
A Republican Party whose agenda is now so wholly At One with America’s One Percent thinks nothing of passing laws to dismantle unions in order to prevent average workers from gaining economic leverage by means of pooling the one resource they possess – their labor. Yet, at the same time, Republicans define as “persons” those legally incorporated enterprises that are nothing more than creatures of the state and of those laws which allow the wealthy to pool that resource which they have in such abundance – their capital.
And once this basic inequity receives the attention it deserves, that low roar you hear gaining volume in the distance will be the sound of Americans waking up to fact that for far too long the plutocrats in this country have been using Adam Smith’s famous “Invisible Hand” to pick their pockets.
By: Ted Frier, Open Salon, January 15, 2012