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Newt Gingrich Exploits Politics Of Class And Culture

Conservatives may denounce class warfare, yet by shrewdly combining the politics of class with the politics of culture, Newt Gingrich won his first election in 14 years, humbled Mitt Romney and upended the Republican Party.

He also exposed profound frailties in Romney as a candidate, throwing him badly off-balance on questions related to his personal wealth, business career and income taxes. Unless Romney finds a comfortable and genuine way of talking about his money, he will present President Obama’s team a weakness that they’ll exploit mercilessly. The country is thinking more skeptically about wealth and privilege in the wake of the Occupy Wall Street protests. Romney has not adjusted.

Gingrich skillfully set up his opponent to step on the landmine of class by transforming Romney from his self-cast role as a successful businessman into a heartless financier more interested in profits than in job creation.

The conventional view is that Gingrich’s critique of Bain Capital, Romney’s old company, didn’t work because Republicans dislike assaults on “free enterprise,” a phrase Romney still hopes to use as a self-protective mantra. But while Gingrich softened his attacks on Bain, he did so only after creating the context in which Romney was forced to answer query after query about his financial status, and he repeatedly fumbled questions about releasing his tax returns. Romney finally announced Sunday he’d make public his 2010 return and a 2011 estimate this week.

All this allowed Gingrich to draw a class line across South Carolina. Exit polls showed Romney carrying only one income group, voters earning more than $200,000 a year. Voters earning less than $100,000 a year went strongly for Gingrich.

Yet conservative class politics is always inflected by culture and ideology, the potent mix that Pat Buchanan brought to Richard Nixon’s attention four decades ago. South Carolina’s two debates offered Gingrich a showcase for his war on those elites whom the conservative rank-and-file despise.

There was also the matter of race. Gingrich is no racist, but neither is he naive about the meaning of words. When Fox News’ Juan Williams, an African-American journalist, directly challenged Gingrich about the racial overtones of Gingrich’s staple reference to Obama as “the food-stamp president,” the former House speaker verbally pummeled him, to raucous cheers. As if to remind everyone of the power of coded language, a supporter later praised Gingrich for putting Williams “in his place.”

Then came the rebuke to CNN’s John King, who asked about the claim from Gingrich’s second wife that her former husband had requested an “open marriage.” By exploding at King and the contemporary journalism, Gingrich turned a dangerous allegation into a rallying point. Past sexual conduct mattered far less to conservatives than a chance to admonish the supposedly liberal media. Gingrich won evangelicals by 2-1, suggesting, perhaps, a rather elastic definition of “family values” — or a touching faith in Gingrich’s repentance.

With unremitting attacks on Romney as a “Massachusetts moderate,” Gingrich created yet another link between his opponent and elite Yankees loathed by the Southern right. He reaped landslide margins among conservative groups, marginalizing the buttoned-down, less electric Rick Santorum.

There were also hints in exit polling that hostility to Romney’s Mormon’s faith may have added to his troubles, without help from Gingrich. About a quarter of South Carolina’s voters said a candidate’s religious beliefs mattered a “great deal” to them, and Romney secured a scant 10 percent of their ballots.

If there is solace for Romney, it is in the experience of an earlier front-runner. In late March 1992, the day before the Connecticut primary, I found myself standing with a colleague next to Bill Clinton in a coffee shop in Groton. Clinton surprised us by suggesting he would lose the next day to Jerry Brown, now California’s governor. Voters were in an ornery mood, he said, and many of them wanted to declare: “I don’t want this to be over.”

Clinton was right. He lost Connecticut. Yet two weeks later, he swept a series of primaries, including a decisive contest in New York.

Florida, which votes next on Jan. 31, is Romney’s New York. But there is a difference. Clinton was a master campaigner with what has quaintly been called the common touch. Romney has so far proved himself to be more a master of discomfort and unease, especially with his own wealth. Unless he learns how to navigate the country’s new etiquette about financial privilege, Romney will continue to be plagued by the now twice-resurrected Gingrich — and, if he survives Gingrich’s challenge, by a freshly minted populist named Barack Obama.

 

By: E. J. Dionne, Opinion Writer, The Washington Post, January 22, 2012

January 22, 2012 Posted by | Election 2012 | , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

“Everyday Workers”: Capitalism’s Real “Risk-Takers”

Mitt Romney is casting the 2012 campaign as “free enterprise on trial” — defining free enterprise as achieving success through “hard work and risking-taking.” Tea Party favorite Sen. Jim DeMint of South Carolina says he’s supporting Romney because “we really need someone who understands how risk, taking risk… is the way we create jobs, create choices, expand freedom.” Chamber of Commerce President Tom Donahue, defending Romney, explains “this economy is about risk. If you don’t take risk, you can’t have success.”

Wait a minute. Who do they think are bearing the risks? Their blather about free enterprise risk-taking has it upside down. The higher you go in the economy, the easier it is to make money without taking any personal financial risk at all. The lower you go, the bigger the risks.

Wall Street has become the center of riskless free enterprise. Bankers risk other peoples’ money. If deals turn bad, they collect their fees in any event. The entire hedge-fund industry is designed to hedge bets so big investors can make money whether the price of assets they bet on rises or falls. And if the worst happens, the biggest bankers and investors now know they’ll be bailed out by taxpayers because they’re too big to fail.

But the worst examples of riskless free enteprise are the CEOs who rake in millions after they screw up royally.

Near the end of 2007, Charles Prince resigned as CEO of Citgroup after announcing the bank would need an additional $8 billion to $11 billion in write-downs related to sub-prime mortgages gone bad. Prince left with a princely $30 million in pension, stock awards, and stock options, along with an office, car, and a driver for five years.

Stanley O’Neal’s five-year tenure as CEO of Merrill Lynch ended about the same time, when it became clear Merrill would have to take tens of billions in write-downs on bad sub-prime mortgages and be bought up at a fire-sale price by Bank of America. O’Neal got a payout worth $162 million.

Philip Purcell, who left Morgan Stanley in 2005 after a shareholder revolt against him, took away $43.9 million plus $250,000 a year for life.

Pay-for-failure extends far beyond Wall Street. In a study released last week, GMI, a well-regarded research firm that monitors executive pay, analyzed the largest severance packages received by ex-CEOs since 2000.

On the list: Thomas E. Freston, who lasted just nine months as CEO of Viacom before being terminated, and left with a walk-away package of $101 million.

Also William D. McGuire, who in 2006 was forced to resign as CEO of UnitedHealth over a stock-options scandal, and for his troubles got pay package worth $286 million.

And Hank A. McKinnell, Jr.’s, whose five-year tenure as CEO of Pfizer was marked by a $140 billion drop in Pfizer’s stock market value. Notwithstanding, McKinnell walked away with a payout of nearly $200 million, free lifetime medical coverage, and an annual pension of $6.5 million. (At Pfizer’s 2006 annual meeting a plane flew overhead towing a banner reading “Give it back, Hank!”)

Not to forget Douglas Ivester of Coca Cola, who stepped down as CEO in 2000 after a period of stagnant growth and declining earnings, with an exit package worth $120 million.

If anything, pay for failure is on the rise. Last September, Leo Apotheker was shown the door at Hewlett-Packard, with an exit package worth $13 million. Stephen Hilbert left Conseco with an estimated $72 million even though value of Conseco’s stock during his tenure sank from $57 to $5 a share on its way to bankruptcy.

But as economic risk-taking has declined at the top, it’s been increasing at the middle and below. More than 20 percent of the American workforce is now “contingent” — temporary workers, contractors, independent consultants — with no security at all.

Even full-time workers who have put in decades with a company can now find themselves without a job overnight — with no parachute, no help finding another job, and no health insurance.

Meanwhile the proportion of large and medium-sized companies (200 or more workers) offering full health care coverage continues to drop – from 74 percent in 1980 to under 10 percent today. Twenty-five years ago, two-thirds of large and medium-sized employers also provided health insurance to their retirees. Now, fewer than 15 percent do.

The risk of getting old with no pension is also rising. In 1980, more than 80 percent of large and medium-sized firms gave their workers “defined-benefit” pensions that guaranteed a fixed amount of money every month after they retired. Now it’s down to under 10 percent. Instead, they offer “defined contribution” plans where the risk is on the workers. When the stock market tanks, as it did in 2008, the 401(k) plan tanks along with it. Today, a third of all workers with defined-benefit plans contribute nothing, which means their employers don’t either.

And the risk of losing earnings continues to grow. Even before the crash of 2008, the Panel Study of Income Dynamics at University of Michigan found that over any given two-year stretch about half of all families experienced some decline in income. And the downturns were becoming progressively larger. In the 1970s, the typical drop was about 25 percent. By late 1990s, it was 40 percent. By the mid-2000s, family incomes rose and fell twice as much as they did in the mid-1970s, on average.

What Romney and the cheerleaders of risk-taking free enterprise don’t want you to know is the risks of the economy have been shifting steadily away from CEOs and Wall Street — and on to average working people. It’s not just income and wealth that are surging to the top. Economic security is moving there as well, leaving the rest of us stranded.

To the extent free enterprise is on trial, the real question is whether the system is rigged in favor of those at the top who get rewarded no matter how badly they screw up, while the rest of us get screwed no matter how hard we work.

The jury will report back Election Day. In the meantime, Obama and the Democrats shouldn’t allow Romney and the Republicans to act as defenders of risk-taking free enterprise. Americans need to know the truth. The only way the economy can thrive is if we have more risk-taking at the top, and more economic security below.

 

By: Robert Reich, Salon, January 17, 2012

January 18, 2012 Posted by | Economic Inequality, Election 2012 | , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

To Mitt Romney, Detractors Suffer From Envy

Mitt Romney thinks he has figured out why people are critiquing his private-sector record: they’re jealous of rich people.

Romney said on Wednesday’s Today show that all the carping about greed and excess in America is “about envy. It’s about class warfare.”

Romney is smarting from attacks over his time as the head of Bain Capital, the Boston private-equity firm he founded. Gov. Rick Perry called Romney a “vulture capitalist” and Newt Gingrich accused him of “looting companies” while at Bain. These broadsides echo the Democrats who have derided Romney as a “corporate buyout specialist” who outsourced and eliminated jobs in order to line his own pockets.

Yet, like the snobby homecoming queen who thinks everyone hates her because they are jealous, Romney can’t see that it’s not his financial success in itself that is the problem. It’s that many people find his self-serving brand of capitalism—which was the hallmark of the recent economic collapse—repulsive.

Don’t blame the green-eyed monster. It’s simply that Americans are increasingly fed up with the behavior of the ultra-wealthy who have enriched themselves with no regard for the pile of middle class bodies they leave in their wake. In fact, a Pew poll released Wednesday discovered that two thirds of the public (66 percent) believes there are “very strong” or “strong” conflicts between the rich and the poor, up 19 points since 2009.

Why would this be? Cue the tape: “Make a profit. That’s the name of the game, right?” a smirking Romney says in King of Bain: When Romney Came to Town, a documentary Gingrich’s super PAC released on the Internet Wednesday.

In other words: don’t hate the player, hate the game.

But it’s not a “game,” Mitt.

Furthermore, making a profit is only one component of owning a business. Whatever happened to the idea that you are responsible for your workers and to the larger community? Too often, people feel like just pawns in a game of ever-increasing largesse for the top dogs. The big shots are always the winners—often getting payouts in the millions when their companies fail—and the “losers” are left to figure out how to eat or buy clothes for their children. (A new study found that $100 million “golden parachutes” have become commonplace for failed CEOs.)

Romney’s “class envy” claim is predicated on a lie we often here from the uber-rich and their defenders: the highest goal and achievement for Americans is to be wealthy, when all most people want is to be able to provide a decent lives for their families.

Pew Research found in 2008 that only 13 percent of adults say it’s “very important” for them to be wealthy. The survey found that, “Four times more people say ‘doing volunteer work or donating to charity’ is a very important priority than say the same about being wealthy.” And about five times more Americans (67 percent) say it’s very important to them to have enough free time. Having children, living a religious life, and getting married also ranked vastly higher than being wealthy.

Yet, Romney has made the “class envy” trope central to his message. In his New Hampshire victory speech Romney whined that President Obama “divides us with the bitter politics of envy.

Romney complained to on Wednesday’s Today show, “Everywhere [President Obama] goes we hear him talking about millionaires and billionaires and executives and Wall Street. It’s a very envy-oriented, attack-oriented approach and I think it will fail.” In maximum Thurston Howell III mode, Romney allowed, “I think it’s fine to talk about those things in quiet rooms.” But the president is talking about it in public!

How uncouth. Doesn’t Obama know that it’s always best to discuss the unwashed masses over martinis at the gentlemen’s club?

The unlikely hero in this tale has been Newt Gingrich, who has been making the most coherent argument for ethical capitalism. Says Gingrich, what we want is “a free enterprise system that is honest … fair to everyone and gives everyone an equal opportunity to pursue happiness.” Criticizing Romney’s brand of free enterprise, Gingrich said, “It’s not fine if the person who is rich manipulates the system, gets away with all the cash and leaves behind the human beings.”

Be still, my heart.

Newt’s new message—and Romney’s continued tin ear to this issue—may pay dividends in the upcoming primary states. Unlike Iowa and New Hampshire, which have some of the lowest unemployment rates in the country, people in South Carolina are suffering mightily with a 9.9 percent unemployment rate. Ditto for the following two primary states, Florida and Nevada, with jobless rates in the double digits.

Romney gaffes, such as “I like to be able to fire people” probably aren’t going to engender a lot of love. Nor will his joking that, “I’m also unemployed … and I’m not working” as he told a group of unemployed Floridians. In Nevada—with the highest foreclosure rate in the countrya clip showing Romney saying, “Don’t try and stop the foreclosure process” is sure to be a dud.

Romney needs to figure out that Americans aren’t player haters. They don’t have “Mitt envy.” They just want jobs.

I’ll bet Romney $10,000 I’m right.

 

By: Kirsten Powers, The Daily Beast, January 13, 2012

January 17, 2012 Posted by | Election 2012 | , , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

Adam Smith’s “Invisible Hand” Picking Our Pockets

Now that Newt Gingrich has torn the mask off the ugly face of  predatory corporate capitalism, it’s clear why defenders of the status  quo such as AEI President Arthur C. Brooks were so eager to frame the  debate after the Wall Street collapse in 2008 as an existential clash  between “entrepreneurship” and “European-style statism” in which freedom  itself was endangered by “expanding bureaucracies, a managed economy  and large-scale income redistribution.”

Trickle-down, supply-side capitalism sold itself for decades to a  gullible public as the comforting belief that a rising tide raises all  boats. There was no need for class warfare, the rich assured us, since  giving them more money meant more jobs for us. That was the  implicit bargain when America agreed to cut the taxes of the rich in  half.

Yet, the most important economic story of the last 30 years has  been the growing income gap brought on by the radical transformation of  the American economy from one that makes things to one that packages  debt – and does so by enhancing the purchasing power of the masses at  the expense of the predictable wage growth that supplies the foundation  of a stable and broadly-based middle class society.

Denied the utilitarian argument that trickle-down capitalism  works best for everyone, defenders of laissez faire have more recently  turned to metaphysics and morality in order to build their firewall  against what they can all see coming: a Second New Deal.

This helps explain the peculiar, desperate and almost frenzied  explanations we’re hearing from plutocrats like Mitt Romney, who is  being forced (thanks to Occupy Wall Street and now Newt Gingrich) to  explain to us in greater detail just how he came by all those millions.

Romney’s reliance on the fall-back reactionary politics of “envy”  and “class warfare” shows it’s a story he’s not keen on telling.

As Charles Blow wrote in the New York Times,  Romney “lambasted” his Republican opponents Newt Gingrich and now Rick  Perry for poking about into what Romney did as head of the private  equity firm Bain Capital.  Obviously targeted for a friendly  Republican audience rather than a more skeptical general election one, Romney’s  only comeback seemed to be a tactical one — that attacks against him  and his performance as a latter-day Robber Baron were playing right into  the hands of President Obama, who Romney charges with dividing America through the “bitter politics of envy.”

On NBC’s Today show Romney went further and said the entire  debate about income inequality was out of bounds, even telling host Matt  Lauer that questions about whether those palatial fortunes of the rich  were fairly won should be entertained — if they are entertained at all  — only “in quiet rooms” where opposition to out-sized fortunes  could either be safely reasoned with or bought off.

Listen carefully because Romney’s is the authentic voice of the New American Aristocracy.

And that’s the problem, says Blow. With all due respect to  Romney’s “quiet rooms,” says Blow, Americans have been quiet for far too long  about a reward system that unfairly favors the  few.

Notes Blow, a report released last week by the Pew Research  Center found that about two-thirds of Americans perceive a “strong  conflict” between rich and poor. That is up 19 percentage points from  2009. Another report cited by Blow showed that the United States ranks  near the bottom among Western countries in the social mobility it  provides its citizens.

“This has nothing to do with envy and everything to do with fairness,” says Blow.

Indeed, as all those Tea Party Republicans who’ve been brushing up on their early American history can no doubt tell us, it’s precisely  the power of concentrated capital to re-create a British aristocracy  wearing colonial blue that was at the heart of the bitter rivalries and antagonisms that separated Federalists from  Anti-federalists, Hamiltonians from Jeffersonnians.

More recently, conservative apologists for Big Monied interests were quick to label Elizabeth Warren as a leftist radical who  hates all that is decent and holy about American rugged “individualism,”  while harboring the typical Harvard elitist’s contempt for the simple  desire of average Americans to get ahead. Yet, even conservatives had to  concede that when Warren spoke about the American Social Compact she  was articulating the commonplace truth that “nobody in this country got  rich on his own.  Nobody.”

Nevertheless, the starkly elitist and anti-government writings of  Ayn Rand are enjoying an Indian Summer among America’s plutocracy  largely due to the flattering portrait Rand paints of them as society’s  only “productive class” and upon whom the rest of us parasites must  feed. These are the members of America’s superclass, says Rand, who have  it within their power to bring civilization itself to a halt should  they decide to “Go Galt” – go on strike – in order to resist the taxes  imposed on them to support the lassitude of the greater idle masses.

Warren articulates an alternative view in which the resources of  these wealthy job creators are nothing but worthless paper in the  absence of the critical collective investments society makes in the  human and economic infrastructure necessary to build the kind of economy  where all that paper can be profitably put to use.

You can see now why Warrren’s alternative narrative about the  value of investments in roads, research and schools made by a government  Rand’s superclass is so intent on dismantling would be seen as  destabilizing to the self-serving mythology plutocrats have constructed  for themselves that unregulated private capital is solely responsible  for wealth creation and the jobs that go with it. And this is why  conservatives were so determined that Elizabeth Warren and her  subversive ideas be knocked down, and now — and even by social conservatives who believe birth control is immoral and should be illegal who nevertheless lined up to attack Warren on her imagined assaults on “individualism” and “personal autonomy.”

Recently, I wrote about the arbitrage Republicans have used to  great effect in recent decades to profit from the gap that exists  between the way the public thinks about how the economy works and how it  really does. The public thinks the same old rules still apply about  people being rewarded for the risks they take and the contributions they  make within a competitive “free market,” where taxing away the fruits  of those labors in order to give rewards to others less prudent or  hard-working is thought to be both unfair and unjust.

That in a nutshell is the basic concept called The American Work Ethic to which most American voters subscribe.

But there is a huge gap between the facts and fictions of our  economic existence that Blow helps to illuminate when he writes about an  older Contract with America that the wealthy in this country have now  broken.

The old “social symbiosis,” says Blow, was one where Americans  working together “create a society in which smart, hard-working people  can be safe and prosper, and the rich in turn reinvest a fair share of  that prosperity back into society for posterity.”

It’s an arrangement in which everyone benefits, says Blow. “But  somewhere along the way this got lost. Greed got good. The rich wanted  all of the societal benefits and none of the societal responsibilities.  They got addicted to seeing profits go up and taxes go down, by any  means necessary, no matter the damage to the individual or the  collective. Those Maseratis weren’t going to pay for themselves. And the  resulting income inequality helped to stall economic mobility.”

The values of “freedom,” “individualism,” “entrepreneurship” –  and the corresponding attacks against “envy” and “class warfare” – which  the Republican Party and its wealthy benefactors are feverishly putting  forward to protect their privileges and vested interests, are  predicated on public belief in what Blow calls the “idea of equal opportunity” that is  central to this country’s “optimistic ethos.”

But income inequality and “corporate greed,” he says, “are making  a lie of that most basic American truism. The rich and their  handmaidens on the political right have consolidated America’s wealth on  the ever-narrowing peak of a steep hill and greased the slope. And they  want to cast everyone at the bottom as lazy or jealous, without  acknowledging the accident of birth and collusion of policies that  helped grant them their perch.”

A Republican Party whose agenda is now so wholly At One with  America’s One Percent thinks nothing of passing laws to dismantle unions  in order to prevent average workers from gaining economic leverage by  means of pooling the one resource they possess – their labor. Yet, at  the same time, Republicans define as “persons” those legally  incorporated enterprises that are nothing more than creatures of the  state and of those laws which allow the wealthy to pool that resource  which they have in such abundance – their capital.

And once this basic inequity receives the attention it deserves,  that low roar you hear gaining volume in the distance will be the sound  of Americans waking up to fact that for far too long the plutocrats in  this country have been using Adam Smith’s famous “Invisible Hand” to  pick their pockets.

 

By: Ted Frier, Open Salon, January 15, 2012

January 16, 2012 Posted by | Class Warfare, Economy | , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Economic Inequality And Tax Fairness: What Newt Gingrich Doesn’t Want Us To Talk About

Over the last three decades, wealth has become increasingly concentrated at the top. The middle class is struggling with stagnant wages and a growing class gap; poverty rates are soaring; the jobs crisis seems never-ending; and a growing number of Americans are suggesting it’s time for a larger conversation about economic inequalities and tax fairness.

Newt Gingrich believes that conversation must not occur. In fact, the Republican presidential candidate questions the patriotism of those who choose to draw attention to the problem.

“I repudiate, and I call on the President to repudiate, the concept of the 99 and the 1. It is un-American, it is divisive, it is historically false…. You are not going to get job creation when you engage in class warfare because you have to attack the very people you hope will create jobs.”

Even for a candidate who says truly ridiculous things on a daily basis, this is extraordinary.

Let me get this straight. A disgraced multi-millionaire, who’s run an ethically-sketchy “business conglomerate” while spending vast amounts of money on high-priced jewelry for this third wife, feels comfortable lecturing struggling Americans about even noticing the growing class gap.

And no one finds this disqualifying for national office?

When Republicans demand the middle- and lower-classes sacrifice, while shielding millionaires and billionaires from any concessions at all, the American mainstream isn’t even supposed to talk about it? When GOP policies impose a new Gilded Age on society, it’s “un-American” to even debate the propriety of the regressive agenda?

Since when is it consistent with the American tradition to try to shut down a debate over fairness and economic justice? For that matter, since when is it an “attack” on the extremely wealthy to ask them to pay Clinton/Gingrich-era tax rates that allowed the rich to thrive in the 1990s?

What’s more, let’s also not overlook Gingrich’s selective approach to unity. Today in South Carolina, Gingrich said it’s un-American and divisive to pit a majority against a minority. But as my friend Kyle Mantyla noted today, Gingrich said the opposite at the recent “One Nation Under God” event where he told religious right activists “that they are the majority in the country who must stand up and take this nation back from the ‘minority elite’ who are ruining it.”

So to recap, when it comes to the economy, Gingrich believes we’re all one people, and we must pay no attention to the wealth that divides us. When it comes to the culture war, we’re not one people, and those who believe as Gingrich does should target and defeat those Americans who disagree.

If a right-wing voice rails against the “minority elite,” he’s speaking the truth. If an Occupy activist rails against the “minority elite,” he’s an un-American radical.

Got it.

By: Steve Benen, Contributing Writer, Washington Monthly Political Animal, November 29, 2011

November 30, 2011 Posted by | Class Warfare, Middle East, Right Wing | , , , , | Leave a comment