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“Compassion Deficit”: Mitt Romney, His Own Worst Enemy

If Mitt Romney has a big problem in the Republican primary, it’s himself. The former Massachusetts governor can’t seem to keep his foot out of his mouth, and has—through misstatements—portrayed himself as a cold and heartless shill for the 1 percent. Here are some of the greatest hits:

When heard in their full context, most of these aren’t as bad as they sound. But, as John Kerry learned in 2004, voters aren’t that attuned to the context of politicians, especially when they say things that leave a bad first impression.

On CNN last night, Romney deepened this problem with another tone deaf comment which, fairly or not, will reinforce the image that he is a defender of the wealthy:

I’m not concerned with the very poor. We have a safety net there. If it needs repair, I’ll fix it. I’m not concerned about the very rich, they’re doing just fine. I’m concerned about the very heart of the America, the 90 percent, 95 percent of Americans who right now are struggling.” [Emphasis mine]

It’s clear that Romney isn’t dismissing the “very poor” as much as he’s expressing confidence in the existing safety net for those mired in poverty. If that net isn’t strong enough, Romney notes, he’ll fix it as president. But the phrasing is incredibly awkward, and when voters hear this, they’ll latch on to the first sentence to the exclusion of the rest. And of course, Democrats are certain to use this in attack ads throughout the general election. Though, given Romney’s relationship with truth in advertising, that isn’t as unfair as it sounds.

It should be said that, if we go by his proposed policies, Romney doesn’t actually care much about the poor. The former Massachusetts governor has consistently voiced support for the draconian budget cuts of Rep. Paul Ryan, which would cripple the safety net and deprive low-income Americans of valuable assistance. What’s more, he plans deep cuts to taxes on capital gains geared toward the rich, who are most likely to collect income on investment. Like many on the right, his preferred economic policies would redistribute income to the wealthy, and destroy our fiscal future with a massive long-term deficit.

 

By: Jamelle Bouie, The American Prospect, February 1, 2012

February 2, 2012 Posted by | Election 2012, GOP Presidential Candidates | , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Mitt Romney Isn’t Too Perfect—He’s Too Phony

Washington Post columnist Kathleen Parker has a theory: Former Gov. Mitt Romney doesn’t have a problem connecting with people; rather, people have trouble connecting with him.

Why? Because he’s too perfect:

[H]andsome, rich and successful, he is happily married to  a beautiful wife, father to five strapping sons and grandfather to  many. At the end of a long day of campaigning, his hair hasn’t moved.  His shirt is still unwrinkled and neatly tucked into pressed jeans. He  goes to bed the same way he woke up—sober, uncaffeinated, seamless and  smiling in spite of the invectives hurled in his direction.

What’s wrong with this guy? Nada. Which is precisely the problem. …

For most everyday Americans, life is less tidy. Half have been or  will be divorced. Someone in the family is an alcoholic or a drug user.  Most can barely pay their bills, and there’s not much to look forward  to. When most Americans of Romney’s vintage look in the mirror, they see  an overweight person they don’t recognize.

Great Odin’s raven, I thought I’d heard it all!

I’m not omniscient enough to plumb the psyches of millions of  “everyday Americans” and imagine what they see in the mirror. I’ll take  my cues from the diverse handful of men who’ve seen up Romney up close.  Sen. John McCain, former Gov. Mike Huckabee, former Mayor Rudy Giuliani  and former Sen. Fred Thompson campaigned against him in 2008. To varying  degrees, each of these men quickly learned to despise Romney.

It’s clear that former Speaker Newt Gingrich and Gov. Rick Perry (and  probably Herman Cain) also despise Romney. In the latter pair’s case,  one could argue it’s sour grapes. But not in ’08, when Romney flopped  badly.

My question to Parker and Jennifer Rubin and David Frum and all the  others who are elbowing for room inside the Romney Tank is this: Why do  these men fundamentally dislike Mitt Romney?  Isn’t it because, on the matter of intellectual honesty, they find  Romney all too human? According to John Heilemann and Mark Halperin’s Game Change,  an insider’s chronicle of the ’08 campaign, McCain said at one point  that he preferred former Rep. Tom Tancredo—”because at least he believes  the things he says.”

Sure, McCain, Giuliani and Huckabee (as well as former Gov. Tim  Pawlenty and Rep. Michele Bachmann) have come out in favor of Romney in  this campaign, but they’re doing so out of partisan unity or  professional positioning.

Lack of charisma or relatability is not an insurmountable obstacle in  American politics. Even former Vice President Al Gore managed to win  the popular vote, after all. Romney’s principal problem isn’t a lack of  personal connection with people. It’s that he irritates people. He’s a  transparent phony who, unlike President Bill Clinton, isn’t even  particularly good at being phony.

I’d have far more respect for Mitt Romney if he had the guts to say what he really thinks, which is this.

According to Frum, this is akin to asking Romney to be a political martyr.

That’s silly.

Romney had two options besides committing harakiri.

He could’ve stayed in the private sector (where I hear that created  thousands of jobs!), or if his thirst for power and influence could not  be denied, he could’ve run as a moderate Democrat.

But Romney chose door. No. 3—to run as a belief-beggaring conservative Republican.

Sorry, Kathleen; I’m pretty happy when I look in the mirror and at my  beautiful wife and children. And I still think Mitt Romney is a rancid  impostor.

 

By: Scott Galupo, U. S. News and World Report, February 1, 2012

February 2, 2012 Posted by | Election 2012, GOP Presidential Candidates | , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

“Rich American Exceptionalism”: Whose Swiss Bank Account Hedges Against The American Dollar?

No, that’s not a trick question. Yes, the answer is that easy. Of course, it’s Mitt Romney.

According to the manager of his trust, Mitt Romney’s Swiss bank account wasn’t an exercise in tax avoidance—rather, it was a hedge against a decline in the dollar. I’m not qualified to say whether or not his explanation is the full truth, but it certainly doesn’t provide evidence that Mitt Romney hates America. Obviously, an investment that bets on the decline of the dollar might not sound good, but when you have as much money as he does, you’re going to end up placing bets that might not be great soundbites for a campaign. In substantive terms, Romney is going to have a much bigger problem explaining why Bain profited from destroying companies than he will have explaining this.

But while the mere existence of the Swiss bank account doesn’t by itself raise questions about Mitt Romney’s loyalty to America, it provides one hell of a way to respond to Romney when he engages his his now-familiar attacks on President Obama’s loyalty. Despite all the attention paid to Newt Gingrich’s “food-stamp” line, Mitt Romney himself is no stranger to the hate card. His preferred formulation: that President Obama doesn’t believe in American exceptionalism, that he seeks to “poison the American spirit”, and that he wants to turn America into Europe and “keep us from being one nation under God.”

Of course, Mitt Romney is nothing like that at all. He’s just the kind of guy who bets on America’s decline to protect his own ass.

February 1, 2012 Posted by | Election 2012, GOP Presidential Candidates | , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

Mitt Romney, “A Well-Oiled Weathervane”: Character And Core Values May Be His Downfall

More than most elections, the contest for President this fall is likely to be decided less on “wedge issues” — or even candidate positions that are symbolic of who is on whose side — and more on the character and core values of the candidates — and for that matter on the question of the core values of the society we hope to leave to our children.

Last Friday, speaking to the Democratic Caucus Policy Conference, Vice-President Joe Biden told a story that speaks volumes about the character of Barack Obama.

According to Biden, the day before he ordered the raid that finally stopped Osama Bin Laden, President Obama met with his top national security advisers in the Situation Room.  At the close of the meeting, he went around the room asking each person for his or her recommendation on whether to launch the risky nighttime mission.

As it went around the table, Leon Panetta recommended that the President proceed.  Most of the others expressed reservations and handicapped the odds of success as only fair.  Finally, the President got to Biden who said he recommended not proceeding until two additional steps were taken to enhance the odds.

Then the President stood and told his advisers he would let them know of his decision in the morning.

The next day, as Obama stepped onto his helicopter to leave on a day trip, he turned to his National Security Adviser, Tom Donilan, and issued a simple order: “let’s go.”

Much more was at stake in the Bin Laden mission than success or failure killing or capturing the most wanted fugitive of modern times.  In some respects Obama’s Presidency itself was at stake.

To quote Biden, “The President has a backbone like a ramrod.”

Whether or not you like all of his policies — or all of his decisions — it’s hard to argue that Barack Obama is not a tough, decisive guy — a guy who is guided by solid core principles and has a disciplined, laser-focused will. This is not a President that flip-flops in the political wind or is swayed by the last person who talks to him.  Above all, Barack Obama is centered.  He has a solid core built around strong core values.

America — and the rest of the world — have seen those character traits over and over again during the last four years.

They saw them when he announced his candidacy to become the first African American president of the United States — and then organized the highly disciplined, leave-no-stone-unturned campaign that elected him 2008.

They saw that same inner toughness in his — at the time unpopular — decision that saved the American auto industry.

In early 2009, Obama simply refused to throw in the towel on health care reform, when the election of Senator Scott Brown made it appear impossible to succeed — and he won.

Later that year, Obama’s force of will guaranteed the passage of Wall Street reform and the creation of a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.  And his willingness to just say no to Republican obstructionism last month by making a recess appointment of Richard Cordray, guaranteed that American financial institutions — for the first time — have a regulator dedicated solely to looking out for the interests of everyday consumers.

Obama has remained determined and unflappable in the face of the toughest economic and political environment in sixty years and has emerged from three years of battle ready to wage a highly organized, focused campaign this fall that will center on most fundamental question facing our society: whether we will have a nation where we look out for each other, and have each other’s back — or a society where we are all in this alone.

Obama intends to make this campaign a battle over core values — a choice between a society where we are all responsible for our future, and for each other — or a society where selfishness is our highest value — where “greed is good.” His campaign will frame the choice before America as whether we have a government dedicated to defending privilege — or one whose mission is giving everyone a fair shot, a fair share, and a guarantee that we all have to play by the same set of rules.  His campaign will be about reigniting the values that underlie the American Dream and the hopes of the middle class and all of those who aspire to it.  It will be about restoring fairness and opportunity and hope.

Contrast that kind of President — and that kind of campaign — with Obama’s likely opponent, Mitt Romney.

Right after the 2004 election I was riding in a New Jersey taxicab. The driver was a typical male New Jersey cabbie.  “So what do you think of Corzine?” I asked.” “Oh, Corzine, tough guy.  Like him,” he replied about the then-Senator.

“What do you think of Bush?”  I said.  “Like him too.  Tough guy.  Stands up for what he believes,” came the answer.

“How about Hillary Clinton?”  I asked.  “Tough gal.  Like her,” he said.

“What about Kerry?”  I asked.  “Kerry?  Can’t stand him.  Flip-flopper–a phony.”

Ideology, policy positions — none of that mattered to this cabdriver who liked Corzine, Clinton and Bush.  He wanted a tough, committed leader.  But the Republicans had convinced him of its central message — “John Kerry is a flip-flopper–a phony.”

Bush strategist Karl Rove had sold that version of Kerry — a Senator who in fact has strong core values — largely because of his tendency to “Senate-speak.” He also realized that Kerry’s vote for the Iraq War, and then against continued funding in 2004, could be portrayed as the symbolically powerful flip-flop.  The icing on the cake was Kerry’s explanation of the 2004 vote: “I voted for it before I voted against it.”  Rove illustrated his flip-flop message with an iconic commercial that featured pictures of Kerry windsurfing and tacking one way and then another.

Kerry’s perceived lack of core values was the factor that, more than any other, led to George Bush’s second term as president.

Voters want leaders who believe in something other than their own election.  Quite correctly they want leaders with a strong moral center. They want leaders who make and keep commitments to their principles and to other people. And they want to know that the candidates they support are the leaders they will get after the election — not, as John Huntsman said of Romney, “a well-oiled weathervane”.

Romney has never seen a position he couldn’t change if he determined it would be to his advantage to do so.   He thinks of politics as a business marketing project, where you say what you think you need to in order to maximize sales. Romney doesn’t think of voters as citizens to be engaged — he thinks of them as customers to be manipulated.

As Massachusetts Governor, Romney was pro-choice — now he is anti-choice.

Romney was the author of the Massachusetts health care plan that in many respects served as the model for Obama’s own health care plan.  Now he wants to repeal “Obamacare.”

Romney once refused to sign the “no new tax pledge.”  Now he has signed the “no new tax pledge.”

Romney favored extension of the assault weapons ban.  Now he opposes extension of the assault weapon ban.

Once he said the TARP “was the right thing to do.”  Now he says he opposed it.

Right after the economy collapsed he said he favored an economic stimulus program; now he says he opposed the stimulus bill.

Once Romney said he believed that human activity contributed to global warming; now he says he doesn’t think we know what causes global warming.

One day he was emphatically neutral on Ohio Governor Kasich’s union-busting legislation — that was ultimately “vetoed” by the Ohio voters.  The next day he one hundred percent supported that legislation.

Romney is a guy who, when called on his flip-flops and inconsistencies, said: “I’m running for office, for Pete’s sake.”

The reason Romney is having such a difficult time making the sale in the Republican primary contest is that many Republicans don’t think he has strong core beliefs, don’t trust him and think he’s a phony.

Wait until he has to convince swing voters that he’s anything more than a “vulture capitalist” who will say anything and do anything to make the biggest deal of his life — the “acquisition” of the government of the United States of America.

But, you say, maybe he will flip-flop back into a more “moderate” Mitt Romney if he becomes President.  Don’t bet on it.  People who have no core values will sell their services to the highest bidder.  Romney’s Presidency has already been sold lock, stock and barrel to the big Wall Street banks, the CEO class, the multi-millionaires who are behind his super PAC and the Republican Establishment that have financed his campaign.

In fact, throughout his career, Mitt Romney has demonstrated that his only “core value” is his own financial and political success. In Romney’s view, both in politics and in business, every other belief or commitment can be thrown overboard if it weighs him down in his quest for success.  And that goes for the people and communities that were impacted by the “creative destruction” of his corporate takeovers and leveraged buyouts at Bain Capital.  To him, they were apparently nothing more than “collateral damage.”

In the end, it is likely that the ultimate irony of the Romney campaign will be that his own willingness to toss aside positions and values that might at one time or another have appeared inconvenient, will ultimately weigh him down more than anything else.

 

By: Robert Creamer, The Huffington Post, January 29, 2012

February 1, 2012 Posted by | Election 2012, GOP Presidential Candidates | , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

The Winds Of Racism On The GOP Campaign Trail

Here are some things you could learn about black Americans from the recent statements and insinuations of Republican presidential candidates, Republican congressmen and Republican-friendly radio personalities:

Black people have lost the desire to perform a day’s work. Black people rely on food stamps provided to them by white taxpayers. Black people, including Barack and Michelle Obama, believe that the U.S. owes them somethingbecause they are black. Black children should work as janitors in their high schools as a way to keep them from becoming pimps. And the pathologies afflicting black Americans are caused partly by the Democratic Party, which has created in them a dependency on government not dissimilar to the forced dependency of slaves on their owners.

Judging by these claims, all of which have actually been put forward recently, here is a modest prediction: This presidential election will be one of the most race-soaked in recent history. It is already more race-soaked than the 2008 election, which, of course, marked the first time that a black man became a major-party candidate.

I don’t know why this is. Perhaps because Senator John McCain, the Republican contender in 2008, generally and admirably refused to race-bait. But the Republican candidates in today’s contest aren’t so meticulous about avoiding the temptation to dog-whistle their way to the nomination.

A Dark Art

Dog-whistling — the use of coded, ambiguous language to appeal to the prejudices of certain subsets of voters –is one of the darkest political arts. In this race, Newt Gingrich is streets ahead of his nearest competitor in its use. In addition to his comments about black children working as janitors, he has repeatedly referred to Obama as the country’s “food-stamp president.”

Food stamps have been fixed in the minds of many white voters as a government subsidy misused by blacks at leastsince 1976, when Ronald Reagan complained of “strapping young bucks” who used public assistance to buy “T-bone steaks.” (It is distressing to remember, in light of Reagan’s subsequent beatification, that he was to racial dog-whistling what Pat Buchanan has been to Jew-baiting; it was Reagan who also introduced the “welfare queen” into public discourse.)

The genius of dog-whistling is its deniability. It would be difficult for a figure such as Rush Limbaugh to run for public office, given his record of fairly straightforward race-baiting. (Limbaugh, who in the words of Harvard Law School’s Randall Kennedy is an “excellent entrepreneur of racial resentment,” has been on a tear lately. He has accused Obama — who he says “talks honky”around white people — and the first lady of abusing public funds as payback for the ill-treatment afforded their ancestors.)

But “food-stamp president” is just indirect enough that Gingrich is protected from detrimental blowback, at least during the largely white Republican primaries.

Kennedy, who studies the role of race in national elections, told me last week of a rule he uses to measure whether a candidate’s appeal to prejudice will succeed: If it takes more than two sentences for a critic to explain why a dog-whistle is a dog-whistle, the whistler wins. Gingrich seems to understand this, and so, despite criticism from blacks, has made the term “food-stamppresident” a staple of his stump speeches.

New Realization

Kennedy offers the theory that this campaign’s dog-whistling may be prompted by a realization by right-leaning provocateurs that voters have become inured to charges of racism. I suspect another phenomenon has hastened this realization: A handful of black Republicans have abetted dog-whistling by making their own bombastic statements about the degraded moral health of the black community, the putative foreignness of the Obamas and the Democratic Party’s plantation-like qualities.

The former presidential candidate Herman Cain, who last week endorsed Gingrich, told me in an interview last year that Obama was more “international” than American. He also said that, unlike Obama, he rejects the label“African-American” because he feels “more of an affinity for America than I do for Africa.”

Representative Allen West of Florida, one of two black Republican House members, recently called the Democratic Party a “21st-century plantation” and compared himself to Harriet Tubman. In August, he said, “Today in the black community, we see individuals who are either wedded to a subsistence check or an employment check. Democrat physical enslavement has now become liberal economic enslavement, which is just as horrible.”

How far in intent is West’s message from this one, recently delivered by Rick Santorum in Sioux City, Iowa: “I don’t want to make black people’s lives better by giving them somebody else’s money; I want to give them the opportunity to go out and earn the money.” (Santorum laterdenied that he said the word “black,” arguing that what he actually said was “blah.” The denial is not credible.)

The writer Gary Younge has noted that in Woodbury County, which includes Sioux City, nine times more whites use food stamps than blacks do. But it doesn’t matter: Santorum wasn’t driven from the race for making such a blatant appeal to white resentment — instead, he won the Iowa caucus.

An Odd Video

Recently, I watched an educational children’s video produced by a company part-owned by Mike Huckabee, the former Arkansas governor and presidential candidate (and current Fox News host). The video series, called “Learn Our History,” is meant as a corrective to a left-wing interpretation of the American story.

In one episode, a group of children are transported to Washington, in the late 1970s, a time when, we are told,“people are out of work and some of their morals are just gone.” The group, walking down a cartoon version of a street from “The Wire,” is confronted by a black mugger in a tank-top emblazoned with the word “Disco.” (Yes,“Disco.”) The mugger says to the time-travelers, “Gimme yo money!”

I asked Huckabee why the video advanced this particular stereotype. We had been speaking about the rationale for the video series, and he had just finished telling me that the project was meant to encourage moral leadership. Then he told me he had nothing to do with writing the show’s scripts, but it was his impression that the mugger wasn’t meant to be black. In any case, we were talking about a cartoon, he said, and cartoons traffic in“caricature.”

This is something cartoons share with many of today’s leading Republicans.

 

By: Jeffrey Goldberg, The Atlantic, January 31, 2012

February 1, 2012 Posted by | Election 2012, GOP Presidential Candidates, Racism | , , , , , , | Leave a comment